Retooling the American Metropolis

retooling-metropolis-coverLast year the Manhattan Institute commissioned a group of academics to author urban policy papers targeting the challenges facing the American city. We published this collection last fall as The Next Urban Renaissance.

This year we did it again, and have just released our new collection Retooling Metropolis, available for free download. It features papers from Donald Shoup, Mike Luca, Jeff Liebman, and others.

In the first essay, Harvard Business School’s Michael Luca discusses the innovative work that he and his team did in partnership with Yelp, a customer-review website, and the cities of San Francisco and Boston. Traditional urban-data applications have involved either making better internal use of government data or posting government data to an online portal to allow private users to take advantage of it. In Luca’s work, there is a bidirectional flow of data and more collaboration between private firms, such as Yelp, and cities.

Luca examined public-health inspection scores in San Francisco and helped get that information onto Yelp—a useful thing for the many diners who peruse it before selecting a restaurant to visit. He also discovered that reviews posted on Yelp can be used to predict which restaurants will subsequently fail health inspections. Luca worked with the city of Boston to run a contest to create an algorithm to apply that insight to Boston, which could potentially allow health inspectors to more efficiently target restaurants that are likely to have violations.

In the second essay, UCLA’s Donald Shoup outlines better ways for cities to manage their on-street real estate. Demand for parking is growing with cities, and new technology offers new ways of managing parking. He suggests that cities should use market-based pricing for parking meters, varying the price by time of day to reflect the variation in demand for parking spaces. He outlines the concept, and then reviews the results achieved when San Francisco implemented his policy for its new SFpark system.

Shoup also describes how market-based pricing could be extended to residential street parking. His plan: allow neighbors to petition for a uniform price auction to allocate spaces to homeowners. The money raised would then be spent in the neighborhood itself. Rich and poor neighborhoods would both benefit through a “power-equalization system” of financial allocation.

In the third essay, Alex Armlovich and I address the problem of soaring housing prices in many U.S. cities. To help ease this burden, we suggest more aggressive permitting of so-called microunits—apartments that are smaller than conventional studios.

We highlight a number of the barriers to microunit construction, including minimum unit-size regulations, a lack of multiunit zoning generally, and other de facto restrictions, such as density caps. We then review the experience of microunits in Seattle and other cities, as well as the political barriers to them, including legacy opinions shaped by the history of single-room-occupancy hotels.

In the final essay, Jeffrey Liebman and Hanna Azemati, both at Harvard’s Kennedy School, discuss ways to help cities improve their contracting. Virtually everything that cities do involves some type of contracted purchase from the private sector. In Boston alone, contract purchasing totals $1.2 billion per year. But the contracts themselves often have not been changed in many years. Instead, they are simply rolled over as they expire. There is little high-level focus on pursuing strategic contracts, either.

Liebman and Azemati recommend that cities assign a senior member of the mayor’s inner circle to be responsible for strategic management of the city’s contract portfolio; and that cities explicitly define their goals for major procurement efforts, structure the contracts correctly (such as by bundling or unbundling items) to achieve those goals, and investigate innovative types of contracting, such as problem-based procurement.

These essays address diverse topics. But they all cover themes that directly speak to the problems, as well as the opportunities, that today’s city leaders face.

Click through to read the whole thing.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/30/retooling-the-american-metropolis/

A Burnham Plan for Chicago’s Next Hundred Years

after-burnham-philip-bess

Inspired by the 100th anniversary of the Burnham Plan of Chicago, Philip Bess and the architecture school at Notre Dame put together a forward looking regional plan for the city that was built on similar principles. The result was their After Burnham plan. This plan incorporated a lot of new urbanist principles, a land value tax, and much more. It won an award from the Congress for New Urbanism in 2014.

I’ve known Philip for years since we intersected in Chicago while his team was developing this plan. He graciously invited me to speak to the Notre Dame School of Architecture, and while I was there we recorded a podcast about the After Burnham plan. We also at the end talk about his book City Baseball Magic, which was written prior to the opening of Camden Yards and the start of the retro-ballpark movement. If the podcast doesn’t display for you, click over to listen on Soundcloud.

Subscribe to podcast via iTunes | Soundcloud.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/29/a-burnham-plan-for-chicagos-next-hundred-years/

Banning the Box and the Unemployables

Photo Credit: Kathryn Decker/Flickr, CC-BY-2.0

Photo Credit: Kathryn Decker/Flickr, CC-BY-2.0

One of the various progressive movements out there is so-called “ban the box” regulation. This prohibits employers from asking if an applicant has been convicted of a crime during some portion of the initial stages of the hiring process. The name seems to refer to the boxes on job applications that ask if someone has ever been convicted of a crime. Los Angeles is the latest city to contemplate joining in.

I personally don’t support ban the box as a regulation, because imposing this by fiat is unlikely to actually change employer hiring practices and only sends yet another message about the attitude towards regulating business, which California and Los Angeles does way too much of.

But the sentiment behind ban the box I support. There are millions of people who have been convicted of crimes in America. They’ve paid their dues in the legal system and are now trying to rebuild their lives. Isn’t getting a job exactly what we want for them? Isn’t the best way to avoid future crime to have the dignity of supporting yourself with a job? We should be doing everything in our power to help these folks get back into the work world.  How are they supposed to find a job if no one will actually give them an interview because of a criminal conviction?

It’s not just criminals. There are now millions more people who have been unemployed for an extended period of time (over a year). Some of them have dropped out the labor force entirely they are so discouraged. The consequences of long term joblessness are horrible, as Ed Glaeser recently pointed out. One you have a major gap in your resume it likewise becomes nearly impossible to get an interview for other than a menial position. Employers simply won’t talk to you.

During the Great Recession American businesses took advantage of their increased leverage to demand perfect candidates. Corporations and startups have become prima donnas of hiring, demanding the exact skills and experience they want show up at their door, along with a pristine resume, and the right aesthetics and coolness factor (excuse me, “cultural fit”). If they don’t get it, they moan about a “developer drought” or how they can’t find decent employees.

These companies have become penny-wise and pound foolish. Today they only care about short term profits in the now. With untold millions of unemployed, underemployed, and out of the labor force Americans of prime working age, these firms would be well-served to change their approach and start making a broader effort to give people a chance to get their foot back into the working world.

When this sort of structural unemployment is high, the social contract broadly construed says it’s something we all should care about and want to do something about.  If American business decides they won’t, ban the box regulation is likely to be among the least of the consequences the discipline of the political marketplace ends up imposing on them.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/27/banning-the-box-and-the-unemployables/

A Walk Down Memory Lane: Thoughts on HPIs and Financial Indexes as The Dow Celebrates Its 120th Birthday

On May 26th, 2016, the granddaddy of all equity indexes—the Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJIA)—turned 120.  The 30 blue-chip companies that comprise the DJIA have evolved over time –General Electric is the one that has been in the index the longest, since 1907–and today many are no longer in heavy industry.  Nonetheless, the DJIA remains a gauge of equity-market performance.

Few sectors of the economy have indices that trace activity for more than a century.  In the housing market, one can merge various metrics and survey data to develop a house-price index that stretches back to 1890, before the inception of the DJIA.  Professor Robert Shiller has done just that, splicing together the S&P CoreLogic Case-Shiller Index beginning 1975 with pre-1975 price data. [1]  And even though the geographic composition of prices has not been constant over that period, neither has the composition of the DJIA.

By taking the ratio of the DJIA to Prof. Shiller’s house-price series, and setting the ratio to 1 in 1896, we can compare how the DJIA and home prices have compared (Exhibit 1).  For much of the first half century, equities and home values largely moved together, with the exception of the “roaring ‘20s” that preceded the Great Depression.  Even as recently as the early 1980s, equity values had cumulative growth that was only slightly more than home values.  Since then, however, equity values have soared relative to home values, increasing several fold compared with home-price indexes.

While the valuation gain on equities (rather, on the firms that comprise the DJIA) has exceeded the price gain on houses, equities also have more risk.  A general principle is that investments that have more risk should also compensate the investor for holding that risk.  A true investment ‘return’ would reflect both valuation gain and income earned from the asset over time (for example, dividends or rent) and net out any costs (such as home improvements), but for simplicity we can compare the valuation change with volatility over time:  While equity values have grown more than house prices since 1896, the annual volatility in the equity market has also been far greater than the volatility of house prices (Exhibit 2).[2]

That’s not to say that house prices are not volatile; the boom-bust cycle in housing over the past decade has shown that house prices can have significant year-to-year movement, both up and down.  And while house prices have not kept up with stock values, homes appear to have held up well relative to general inflation:  Since 1913,  the inception year for the Consumer Price Index, house prices have grown about 0.5 percent per year faster than inflation.[3]

Financial advisors caution that past performance should not be used as a gauge of future returns.  While the past century cannot foretell the valuation trend of the next, at least two outcomes are likely over the next 120 years:  First, equity values will likely grow more than home prices but with more volatility; and second, housing will generally be a good inflation hedge for owners with long holding periods.

[1] See http://www.econ.yale.edu/~shiller/data.htm

[2] For the analysis, the month-end values of the DJIA were averaged to produce an annual time series; for 1896, the annual average was computed over May to December, and for 2016 the average was computed over January to June.  Likewise, the annual average of the monthly S&P CoreLogic Case-Shiller Index for the U.S. was computed beginning 1975 (the 2016 average was computed for January to June); this was used with Prof. Shiller’s pre-1975 data to form an annual time series back to 1896.  The compound annual growth rate and annual volatility in Exhibit 2 were computed from the two annual time series.

[3] Compound annual growth rate, Prof. Shiller’s Nominal House Price Index and the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Consumer Price Index-All items, 1913-2016.


from S&P Dow Jones Indices – HousingViews
http://www.housingviews.com/2016/09/26/a-walk-down-memory-lane-thoughts-on-hpis-and-financial-indexes-as-the-dow-celebrates-its-120th-birthday/

Major Indictment Stabs at the Heart of New York State’s Economic Development System

Buffalo Light Rail at Fountain Plaza by David Wilson from Oak Park, Illinois, CC BY 2.0

Buffalo Light Rail at Fountain Plaza by David Wilson from Oak Park, Illinois, CC BY 2.0

In my major City Journal feature on Buffalo I noted that US attorney Preet Bharara was investigating Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s signature Buffalo Billion economic development project there.

Today, the shoe dropped as Preet uncorked a major corruption indictment that included Cuomo associate Joe Percoco, Alain Kaloyeros of SUNY Polytechnic Institute, and Louis Ciminelli of Buffalo’s LP Ciminelli construction among others

This is a huge deal. Kaloyeros is basically the Steve Jobs of Upstate, the man who is responsible for Albany’s massive nanotechnology infrastructure. He’s basically the guy Cuomo tapped to make his vision for Upstate economic transformation happen, and was the person I was told really ran the Buffalo Billion program.

Obviously those accused haven’t been proven guilty in court yet, but this indictment calls into question Cuomo’s plans to replicate the Buffalo Billion in other Upstate communities. It also throws a cloud over developments in Buffalo, among many other things.

I don’t know exactly what set Preet off on this, but I believe some of it was yeomanlike journalism from Jim Heaney and his team at Buffalo’s Investigative Post.  In December 2014, Heaney broke the story of how the state’s developer requirements for the Buffalo Billion included that the developer be based in Buffalo and in business for at least 50 (not a misprint, 50) years. Heany could only identify one company meeting that requirement: LP Ciminelli. (Louis Ciminelli no doubt regrets the $12,500 he donated to Investigative Post!)

What I’m about to say is purely impressionistic. Nobody said anything directly on this. But I talked to a lot of people when I was researching my story, and the impression I got is that Buffalo put together a regional Western New York economic development strategy (and a pretty good one too, I thought) and Cuomo came along and sort of hijacked it for crony capitalistic purposes. Because the governor was pumping so much money into the region, no one there could say anything overtly, but I didn’t think they were really all that enthusiastic about paying $750 million for Elon Musk (Solar City) and recognized the risk of some of these deals.

Dissecting the history of the Buffalo Billion wasn’t my aim in that piece. That’s work for a guy like Heaney. Regardless of that, this is a major indictment that will have major repercussions in the state.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/22/major-indictment-stabs-at-the-heart-of-new-york-states-economic-development-system/

The Indianapolis Infrastructure Hole Is So Huge It Can’t Ever Be Filled

ralston-ave-indianapolis

The Indianapolis Star just ran an excellent in-depth article on the city’s sad situation with street lighting. Indy placed a moratorium on new streetlight installation in 1980, leaving a vast city with very few streetlights relative to its population and geography.

As I pointed out some time ago during the Detroit bankruptcy, when the fact that half its streetlights weren’t working was national news, even a half-functioning streetlight system in, of all places, Detroit was better than the situation in Indy.

But streetlights are the least of it. Indy has by far the poorest infrastructure of any Midwestern city I’ve seen. Vast numbers of its streets lack curbs, sidewalks, or much else in the way of infrastructure. The picture at the top was my old street on the North Side. This was part of the city pre-Unigov, so consolidation can’t be blamed for its design deficiencies.

This neighborhood could be worse. The houses have basements. There are alleys (though basically unpaved apparently unmaintained by the city and not used for trash pickup) and some storm sewers. But this doesn’t even meet the minimum standards for a city street. No wonder that citywide 27 pedestrians were killed last year and 585 since the streetlight moratorium took effect.

The city is flat broke financially (or so they say – there always seems to be some way to find money to subsidize real estate developers).  Given that putting in proper infrastructure would be a multi-billion dollar endeavor, it seems unlikely to ever happen. And even if the city tried, it has not proven to date that it is even capable of designing and building a proper urban street.

What’s more, even if it did somehow magically find the funds to build all this infrastructure, Indy suffers from the “Strong Towns Problem“: the tax base of the city doesn’t generate enough revenue to pay to maintain it. That’s one reason why even the deficient base infrastructure is in such bad shape, as the city itself would be the first to tell you.

As the streetlight moratorium itself illustrates, Indianapolis has already effectively declared bankruptcy on much of its street and alley infrastructure.

Indy will be an interesting test case on the importance of “livable streets” to urban success. To date, it has done reasonably well despite its infrastructure limitations. If it succeeds over the long term as a municipality, it will prove that the rhetoric around the importances of sidewalks and the like is overblown.  If it fails, there were certainly be multiple factors to blame, but it will nevertheless still be a cautionary tale for others than aren’t taking care of infrastructure business.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/21/the-indianapolis-infrastructure-hole-is-so-huge-it-cant-ever-be-filled/

Is Peter Thiel Right About Chicago?

Photo Credit: Berlin, Germany, March 19, 2014. Hy! Summit - Image by Dan Taylor. www.heisenbergmedia.com

Photo Credit: Berlin, Germany, March 19, 2014. Hy! Summit – Image by Dan Taylor. http://www.heisenbergmedia.com

Peter Thiel recently made one of his trademark provocative statements by saying, “If you are a very talented person, you have a choice: You either go to New York or you go to Silicon Valley.”

The problem for Thiel was that he said this while speaking at an event in Chicago. No surprise, it didn’t go over well. An enquiring questioner wanted to know, “Who comes to Chicago if first-rate people go to New York or Silicon Valley?”

Thiel sputtered a bit and suggested he was employing hyperbole, but said “It’s an extremely important question, and it’s the type of question that we don’t ask enough,” though admitting he isn’t sure “exactly what Chicago should be doing right now.”

After being initially reported by the Chicago Tribune, the story was picked up by Chicagoist, Vanity Fair, and Crain’s. A blogger named John Carpenter posted a sharp retort at Forbes.

Having lived nearly 20 years in Chicago and now two in New York, I’ve had a few observations about the differences between the two cities that I’ve resisted posting because it would inevitably be seen as taking a cheap shot at a city I chose to leave. But given the hook of Thiel’s comments, I decided to take the plunge.

Is Thiel right? Factually speaking, no. Obviously there are first-rate people in places other than San Francisco or New York. Given its size, history, status, etc. Chicago has a number of them.

But Thiel is highlighting something real with uncomfortable implications for the Windy City.

Cities of Ambition

Let’s rephrase Thiel slightly and we’ll get a stronger statement: if you’re a person with global-scale ambition, you move to either New York or Silicon Valley.

There’s a lot of truth to this version of the statement. Think about the egos and the ambition of the people in Silicon Valley. People like Thiel (Paypal, Palantir, others), Mark Zuckerberg (Facebook), and Travis Kalanick (Uber) practically define Silicon Valley. In New York, think about the incredible ambition of a Michael Bloomberg or a Donald Trump – two radically different people to be sure, but both extremely ambitious.

How many of these kinds of people live anywhere in the US outside those two cities? A few. You can think of Bill Gates (Microsoft) and Jeff Bezos (Amazon) in Seattle. Or Elon Musk (Tesla, Space X, et. al) who lives in LA. But there aren’t many. It’s telling that Mark Zuckerberg started at Harvard and moved to the Valley. It’s similar for Mark Andreesen (Netscape) and many others before them.

The bottom line is that the ambition level in Silicon Valley and New York is simply off the charts. That kind of ambition is not what you find in Chicago (or pretty much anywhere else). It can exist from time to time – think Barack Obama – but is a big anomaly.

If you are someone who is dreaming big – really big – it helps to be in an environment where other people are dreaming big. That means NYC or SF.

America’s New Upper Class Elite

Charles Murray’s book Coming Apart charted the rise of a new upper class, an elite – the people who really call or influence the shots in American business, politics, culture, etc – that increasingly lives in self-segregated bubbles of others just like them.

These bubbles of the American elite are heavily concentrated in four coastal cities:

[I]t is difficult to hold a nationally influential job in politics, public policy, finance, business, academia, information technology, or the media and not live in the areas surrounding New York, Washington, Los Angeles, or San Francisco. In a few cases, it can be done by living in Boston, Chicago, Atlanta, Seattle, Dallas, or Houston—and Bentonville, Arkansas—but not many other places.

Murray here puts Chicago in a special class; it’s one of the handful of cities outside the Big Four where it’s possible to be part of the national elite. That’s not nothing. But clearly there’s a big gap in there.

Murray undertook a variety of quantitative analyses to try to sleuth out the geography of the new elite. One of them was to look at where the graduates of elite schools lived, particularly the Big Three of Harvard, Princeton, and Yale (HPY). Here is what he found:

As mature adults, fully a quarter of the HPY graduates were living in New York City or its surrounding suburbs. Another quarter lived in just three additional metropolitan areas: Boston (10 percent), Washington (8 percent), and San Francisco (7 percent). Relative to the size of their populations, the Los Angeles and Chicago areas got few HPY graduates—just 5 percent and 3 percent, respectively. Except for the Philadelphia and Seattle areas, no other metropolitan area got more than 1 percent.

There’s an East Coast bias to these schools as we might expect, but New York has over eight times as many HPY grads as Chicago. San Francisco has over two times as many, and notably has more than much larger Los Angeles. This is pretty remarkable given that the region’s focus is technology, not exactly what comes to mind when you think HPY (although Gates and Zuckerberg tell a different tale, even if not actually graduates).

So Murray’s research also foots to Thiel’s observation in a generalized sense.

Personal Observations

I had four of my own previous observations.  First a pre-observation: I never noticed any difference between the caliber of Accenture people in Chicago vs. New York. (It generally seemed to me that in the consulting space, the talent level of Accenture employees was pretty consistent across geographies). Obviously I had a network that included a lot of Accenture type corporate people in Chicago, whereas in New York my network is more skewed to policy, media, finance, and startups (though includes quite a few Accenture people too).  These network differences obviously shape my personal experiences, but my observations are consistent with Murray and with some others who lived in both cities and with whom I’ve compared notes.

With that, my observations are:

  1. New York has a higher horsepower rating. Growing up in Laconia, I was a straight-A student and valedictorian of my high school without studying. Similarly, I was simply smarter than most people in college. As I moved up in life, the competition got tougher, obviously, but even at Accenture I basically just had more horsepower to throw at problems than most. (You may recall that I was also somewhat lazy during this period). In New York, that’s just not true. I am constantly around people who are at least as smart as I am, if not smarter. You can’t just think you can get ahead here by throwing more MIPS at the problem than the next guy, because he’s just as good as you or more so.
  1. New Yorkers have incredibly vast and wide-ranging knowledge. That famous New Yorker cover portrays NYC as an incredibly provincial place. And it is. But I continue to be astonished about how much New Yorkers know about what’s going, not just around the world but across the country. A couple years before moving there I was visiting the city and had dinner with Fred Siegel in Brooklyn. When I mentioned Indianapolis, he proceeded to provide a number of extremely accurate and insightful comments about the city. I was taken aback. What were the odds he would know anything about Indianapolis? I’ve since come to see that kind of encyclopedic knowledge as commonplace. People in NYC are connected to networks and have their fingers on the pulse of what is going on all over the country and the world. I’ve similarly ceased to be amazed every time I run into someone with a vast array of cultural knowledge. People here are just like that. This is a world away from the much less connected and more limited expanse of knowledge in Chicago.
  1. Chicago is Big Ten, New York is the Ivy League. The numbers above illustrate this well. Chicago is dominated by Big Ten grads and Notre Damers. New York has a vast seat of Ivy League and other elite school grades.  This is well attested above, so no more on that.
  1. New Yorker are connected to the highest levels of politics, business, media, and culture. This is almost a truism, but it’s remarkable when you actually experience it. This is where the sausage is made. (I suspect one can get a similar feeling in DC, or in SF for tech, or Houston for energy). A friend of mine who was also a long time Chicago area resident that now lives in Philadelphia observed, “Chicago doesn’t know they’re not in the game. They’re in a game, but they’re not in the game.”

None of these is probably news in a sense. They were things I could have probably told you before. But intellectual awareness of truth is one thing, visceral experience of it is another.

The Draw of New York and San Francisco

Now, none of this is to say one must live in NYC. I love it, but when I was two years into living in Chicago, I loved that city even more.  Some people have a transformational experience in college as they are exposed to new experiences, ideas, people, etc. That wasn’t the case for me. But I did have that in Chicago. Moving to Chicago was personally transformational for me in a way that moving to New York was not. (Of course, I was much younger then too). And there are lots of places in America that I think I could enjoy living in. Let’s not invest too much in NYC and SF.

On the other hand, let’s not invest too little either. It’s clear that Greater Greater New York, and the Bay Area, are uniquely dominant and have a unique draw. It’s the same with London in Europe. (No surprise that the top overseas expansion destination for Chicago based firms is London. Boeing has 2,000 people in London – four times as many as at its Chicago HQ – and plans to double that. Where do you think the top intercontinental investment location for London firms is?)

If you want to get a sense of this, just read Ted Gioia’s piece in the latest City Journal about how New York became the capital of jazz, displacing New Orleans and Chicago, and beating back a midcentury challenge from LA.  And Michael Agovino’s piece in the Village Voice, “Almost Famous, Almost Broke: How Does a Jazz Musician Make It in New York Now?”  As Gioia puts it,

Jazz has gone global. Just like your job, your mortgage, and the cost of gas at the pump, the music now responds to global forces. As a jazz critic, I now need to pay attention to the talent coming out of New Zealand, Indonesia, Lebanon, Chile, and other places previously outside my purview. Almost every major city on the planet now has homegrown talent worthy of a worldwide audience.

Yet one thing hasn’t changed on the jazz scene: New York still sits on top of the heap. Great jazz artists often don’t come from Manhattan, but they struggle to build a reputation and gain career traction if they don’t come to Manhattan. The recent sensation over Indonesian jazz prodigy Joey Alexander is a case in point. At age eight, this formidable youngster had already caught the attention of jazz icon Herbie Hancock, and at nine, he beat out 43 musicians (of all ages) from 17 countries to win a prestigious European competition. A year later, Alexander’s parents moved to New York, realizing that even the greatest prodigy in jazz needed what only that city could offer.

And as someone I know who frequently speaks to audience full of civic leaders around the country told me that, “No matter where I go, invariably the richest guy in the room has a kid in either New York or San Francisco.”

Chicago: The Semi-Elite City

This problematic status of Chicago as “semi-elite” is really at the root of many of its problems. It’s something I’ve talked about before, such as by noting its global city functions are weaker, and resultantly it spins off far less wealth and tax revenue. Or my notion that it’s the duck-billed platypus of cities.

This isn’t unique to Chicago. It affects other cities like Amsterdam. Simon Kuper of the Financial Times wrote a column on the rise of the global capital about how young up and comers in the Netherlands had their sights set on London, not Amsterdam. As he put it, “Many ambitious Dutch people no longer want to join the Dutch elite. They want to join the global elite.”

As with Thiel, I don’t have the answer to this problem, but he’s absolutely right that it’s one that’s too seldom asked, but which needs to be squarely faced. Studying and comparing notes with these other cities like Amsterdam and how they are coping with this problem might be a good start.

In the meantime, to end on a positive note, I do think there are fields where one could unquestionably have top level talent and ambition, and move to Chicago in search of success.  I would include aspiring comedians, chefs, architects, and indie rockers in this list. There may be others. Protecting and building on these while finding a strategic response may be another good place to start.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/19/is-peter-thiel-right-about-chicago/

The Texas Story Is the Story of Its Cities

Cover design by the Heads of State.

Cover design by the Heads of State

I have the lead article in a new City Journal special issue devoted to Texas. There are a variety of pieces about the state, looking at its energy industry, growing debt, philanthropy, etc. It’s a mix of the positive and negatives.

My piece, the first to go online, is called “The Lone Star Quartet” and is a survey of the four major metro areas of Texas: Austin, Dallas-Ft. Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. These four regions have accounted for an overwhelming share of the state’s growth. But while there are similarities such as sprawl, each city is also very distinct from the others.  Here’s an excerpt:

Texas’s spectacular growth is largely a story of its cities—especially of Austin, Dallas–Fort Worth, Houston, and San Antonio. These Big Four metropolitan areas, arranged in a layout known as the “Texas Triangle,” contain two-thirds of the state’s population and an even higher share of its jobs. Nationally, the four metros, which combined make up less than 6 percent of the American population, posted job growth equivalent to 30 percent of the United States’ total since the financial crash in 2007. Within Texas, they’ve accounted for almost 80 percent of the state’s population growth since 2000 and over 75 percent of its job growth. Meantime, a third of Texas counties, mostly rural, have actually been losing population.

While all four Texas metro areas rank among the most booming cities in America, they face threats to future prosperity. When their growth cycles inevitably come to an end, they will have to prove themselves again, as Chicago, Detroit, Los Angeles, and New York once did. Time will tell whether they can renew themselves across economic cycles, as New York has done—or fall, like Detroit. The Texas metros also must demonstrate that they can grow their per-capita incomes over time, not just add lots of jobs. Their record here is mixed, with only the Houston region significantly outperforming the national average. Austin and Dallas have lost ground versus the country as a whole since 2000. San Antonio did better but still trails the U.S. average.

Click through to read the whole thing, which includes additional sidebars on the four cities written by others.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/15/the-texas-story-is-the-story-of-its-cities/

Creative Entrepreneurship

printtext-magazines-cover
Benjamin and Janneane Blevins of PRINTtEXT, one of the world’s great magazine stores, joined me to talk with me in a podcast about opening their shop, and other creative entrepreneurial endeavors they’ve undertaken in Indianapolis. They were involved in launching Pattern magazine (a local fashion focused publication) and a new city guide that they are launching locally on October 15th.

They also do some amazing Instagram photos of their new arrivals magazines, which are like online versions of department store display windows. I’m including some of their photos below the podcast embed.

If there is anyone outside of Indianapolis interested in getting a free copy of their Indianapolis city guide, shoot me an email and I’ll have one sent to you. If the audio player doesn’t display for you, click over to listen on Soundcloud.

printtext-gentlewoman

printtext-recompiler

printtext-pinup

printtext-riposte

 

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/13/creative-entrepreneurship/

Cities Need Connectivity in the Global Economy

Image via Shutterstock

Image via Shutterstock

My latest column is now online in the September issue of Governing magazine. It’s about the criticality of connectivity to success in the global economy.

One of the most important ways for cities to get connected is through migration. Jim Russell and his collaborator Richey Piiparinen at Cleveland State University’s Center for Population Dynamics have been documenting how Cleveland has been getting more connected to the global world through this process. This includes foreign immigration but isn’t limited to that. A key part of it is the influx into places like Cleveland of people who have lived in major global cities like New York, then cycled out.

There are many reasons for this kind of migration, but living costs are certainly one of them. America’s major global urban centers have become extraordinarily expensive to live in. Life in a “microapartment” in New York is less attractive when you are in your 30s and married with kids than it is when you are 22, single and fresh out of college.

What Rust Belt cities like Cleveland can offer is an authentic urban experience in a genuinely historic place at a price that can’t be beat. No one will mistake it for life in Brooklyn, but these cities’ price/performance ratio has a growing appeal, as their downtown population growth shows.

Click through to read the whole thing.

from Aaron M. Renn
http://www.urbanophile.com/2016/09/08/cities-need-connectivity-in-the-global-economy/